Buddhist and Indian Elements in the Onomastics of the Iranian Manichaean Texts

The use of names and terms of Indian origin bears witness to encounters of Iranian-speaking Manichaeans with Indian religious traditions and cultures, but the importance of an impact of Indian religions on Manichaeism is still subject of scholarly discussions. This paper focuses on Buddhist and Indian elements in Manichaean onomastics. Recent research in the context of the project Iranisches Personennamenbuch has provided, for the first time, a complete collection of proper names in the Iranian Manichaean texts from the Turfan region. The transmitted Iranian, hybrid, and non-Iranian names of Manichaean and non-Manichaean historical persons, literary, and mythological figures reflect the ethnic, religious, and multilingual diversity of the peoples along the Silk Roads. The results of this study enable us to analyse the various influences in Manichaean onomastics. Here this refers to proper names of Indian origin, loan-translations, Buddha and Bodhisattva names, names from the Buddhist tradition, and the like. This paper shall show which Indian names occur in Iranian Manichaean texts and how they have been adapted to the Manichaean context. ke words Central Asia, Turfan region, Iranian Manichaean texts, Iranian onomastics, Manichaeism, Buddhism, Jainism


Introduction
Manichaeism, named after its founder, the prophet Mani (216-276/7 C.E.), was once one [1] of the great world religions. Today it has disappeared but it still speaks to us through the extant Manichaean writings 1 in Greek (Gr.), Coptic (Copt.), Middle Persian (MP.), Parthian (Parth.), Sogdian (Sogd.), Bactrian (Bactr.), New Persian (NP.), Old Uyghur (OUygh.), and Chinese (Chin.) as well as through artistic artefacts such as book miniatures and wall paintings. Manichaeism played an important role within the religious history of the Near East and Central Asia and even of Europe. It existed from the third to the fourteenth century, isolated remains even until the seventeenth century, and spread from Spain to China, from the 1 Letters after the abbreviations of languages designate in the following the script in which the quoted records are written: M (Manichaean), S (Sogdian, also used for the Uyghur script), I (inscriptional, for Middle Persian and Parthian).
Balkans to North Africa. In his teachings, Mani absorbed influences from various religious and intellectual movements, mostly from Gnosticism and Christianity, but also from Zoroastrianism, Stoa,and Buddhism. 2 In Central Asia, the impact of eastern religions played an important role in the further development of Manichaeism. The cities along the Silk Roads can be understood as multi-cultural centres where Iranians, Turks, Chinese, Tocharians, and others lived together as followers of various religions. Thus, the literature (mostly translations) and artefacts of eastern Manichaeism reflect the historical, religious, and cultural interrelations between the peoples of Central Asia. The impact of Indian religions on Manichaeism has long been a subject of learned dis-[2] cussions. 3 Scholars have mainly focused on Buddhism as a source of borrowed terms and concepts, since Mani considered Buddha as one of the prophets preceding him, and, moreover, was called Buddha himself. Recent studies have also argued in favour of Jainism as a suitable pattern for some Indian elements in early Manichaeism (Gardner 2005;Deeg and Gardner 2009). But opinions differ as regards the dimension and importance of such influences. Some scholars consider the impact of Indian ideas and concepts on Manichaeism as not fundamental and only effective to a limited extent (Lieu 1988, 53-54, 57;Sundermann 1986Sundermann , 1991Sundermann , 1997Bryder 2005), while others characterize Buddhism (or Jainism) as decisive for the formation of the Manichaean religion and practice (Tardieu 1988;Gardner 2005;Deeg and Gardner 2009;Hutter 2017). Furthermore, it has been supposed that Manichaeism has exerted reverse impact on Buddhism in some points, especially on the Mahāyāna school (Skjaervø 1994;Emmerick 1989;Sundermann 1997, 649-50;Hutter 2002; on a possible influence of Gnosticism on Buddhism and vice versa, see Conze 1967). We cannot go into the details of these discussions here. But it becomes obvious-although the chronology of events is far from clear-that Manichaeism was impacted by Buddhism, or more generally Indian ideas, in various ways. Mani could first have received very limited information on India from Bardaiṣan's report on an Indian delegation to the court of the Roman emperor Heliogabalus (at the beginning of the third century) as well as from the apocryphal Acts of Thomas as the apostle of India, both of which may have inspired his own journey. 4 It has also been assumed that there may have existed communities of Baptists (a Gnostic sect in which Mani grew up) in trading centres at harbour cities in the diaspora as far as western India (Sundermann 1986, 13a). During his travels in northwestern India (about 240-242 C.E.), Mani converted the Buddhist king of Tūrān (northeastern Baluchestan), a vassal state of the Sasanian realm. 5 Back in 2 For recent general studies on Manichaeism, see Durkin-Meisterernst and Kreyenbroek (2006), Sundermann (2009b), Hutter (2010), Reck (2013). 3 On the question of an influence of Buddhism or other Indian religions on Manichaeism, see van Tongerloo (1984), van Tongerloo (2008), Sundermann (1986), Sundermann (1991), Sundermann (1997), Tardieu (1988); Emmerick (1989), Lieu (1988, 53-58, 208-13), Skjaervø (1994), Hutter (2002), Hutter (2017), Reck (2003), Yoshida (2003), Yoshida (2008), Bryder (2005, Gardner (2005), Deeg and Gardner (2009). 4 Evidence for Mani's journey to India is provided by various Manichaean sources: Gr. Cologne Mani Codex (Henrichs and Koenen 1982, 3-5, 36-38), Copt. Berlin Kephalaia "The Chapters of the Teacher" (Polotsky and Böhlig 1940, 15.24-31, 184.23-185.15), Copt. Synaxeis of the Living Gospel (Funk 2009, 120-22), Iranian hagiographical texts (Sundermann 1986). 5 For the conversion of the Tūrān-šāh, see Sundermann (1981, 19-24, text 2.2); Gardner, BeDuhn, and Dilley (2018, 26-37). BeDuhn (2015,(56)(57)(58)(59)(60)(61)(62)(63)(64)(65)(66) and Gardner (2020b, 43-48, 58)  ) and two other wise men from the East (s. below). The existence of followers of Indian religions in the Sasanian Empire in the third century is proved by the reference to them as MP. šmny /šaman/ "ṣamaṇas, i.e. Buddhists" and blmny /brāhman/ "brāhmaṇas, i.e. Hindus" in the inscription of the Zoroastrian priest Kerdīr (ed. Back 1978, 414-15, 509n264). The knowledge on Buddhism was brought to a new level when Manichaean missionaries (especially Mani and Ammō) came into contact with Iranian Buddhists in northeastern Iran at the border to the Kushan empire, where Buddhism flourished (besides other religions such as Hinduism and Jainism). 7 This milieu and the dispute between Manichaeism and Zoroastrianism as well as Buddhism (or Jainism) is also reflected in the Manichaean Coptic text Dublin Kephalaia "The Chapters of the Wisdom of MyLord Mani" (partly ed . Tardieu 1988;Gardner 2005;Deeg and Gardner 2009;Gardner, BeDuhn, and Dilley 2018). A revitalisation of Buddhist influence happened when Manichaeism established itself in Central Asia (eighth to eleventh century), where the communities lived side by side with Buddhist ones. Finally, from the eleventh century onwards, Buddhism superseded Manichaeism in this area.
Indian influence on Iranian languages 8 took place by intercultural and interreligious en-[4] counter with Buddhism and possibly Jainism and Hinduism, especially in border regions in eastern Iran. From the Kushan kingdom, Buddhism also spread into neighbouring countries, among them the Arsacid Empire, as early as the second century. 9 Parthians and Sogdians even acted as Buddhist missionaries in China and as translators of Buddhist texts into Chinese (Sundermann 1982, 99-100;Tardieu 1988, 175-76). Thus Parthian was affected by Buddhist terminology and transmitted it into other languages as well. Indian loanwords in Parthian can be traced back mainly to northwestern Gāndhārī Prakrit (Pkt.) forms and only rarely to "learned" Sanskrit (Skt.) forms. The earliest records of such terms are manifest in the Manichaean Parthian literature that originates in the mission in northeastern Iran. Middle Persian (of the Sasanian inscriptions and Manichaean texts) transmits Indian loanwords only to a much lesser extent. The Sogdians came into contact with Indian terms and concepts Narseh, another son of Šābuhr I and later king of kings Narseh I (293-302 C.E.), as "king of Hind(estān), Sagestān, and Tūrān to the coast of the sea" at that time (ŠKZ § 34: MP. šāh Hind, Sagestān ud Tūrestān tā drayā damb, Parth. šāh Hind, Sagestān ud Turγestān yad ō zrēh zamb, Gr. βασιλέως Ἰνδίας Σεγιστηνῆς Τουρηνῆς ἕως χείλους θαλάσσης, ed. Huyse 1999, I:47). But a certain Šābuhr, son of Hormezd II (302-309 C.E.), brother of Šābuhr II (309-379 C.E.) and great-grandson of Šābuhr I, appears with the same royal title in his own inscription at Persepolis (ŠPs-I, ed. Back 1978, 492, 518-9n360-2), according to which he travelled from Pārs to Sagestān in the second year of Šābuhr II (i.e. 311 C.E.). Maybe this later king of Tūrān has been taken for the earlier one in the transmission of the narrative which may have received its final version from the end of the third to the beginning of the fourth century. 6 For the delegation of Pattēg and Hannī to India, see Sundermann (1981, 56-57, texts 4a.1, ll. 654-659). For Mani's "Great Epistle to the Indians," see an-Nadīm, Fihrist, 336.20 (ed. Dodge 1970, II:799). 7 An extant single leaf from a book in Bactrian written in the Manichaean script (M 1224, ed. Sims-Williams 2009) witnesses the activity of missionaries in that area. However, its content shows influences from a Buddhist milieu. 8 For studies on Indian loanwords and names in Iranian languages, see Müller (1912, 33), Asmussen (1965, 135-36), Sundermann (1982), Sundermann (1994, 261), Sims-Williams (1983), van Tongerloo (1984), Skjaervø (1994), Colditz (2018, 68-69). For Buddhist texts in Sogdian and Saka cf. Hinüber (1995, 659-61), Maggi (2009b), Yoshida (2009), Reck (2016), Reck (2018). 9 But there is no Buddhist influence apparent in the Arsacid court language (Sims-Williams 1983, 132). Schmitt (2016) also does not indicate any proper name of Indian origin in the Parthian epigraphical sources. through trading along the routes of the Silk Roads. It was this Central Asian milieu where a number of them converted to Buddhism, while in the Sogdian homeland Buddhism did not gain a foothold (on a Buddhist minority in the Sogdiana, see Lurje 2019). The earliest Indian loanwords, probably from Prakrit, appear in the Sogdian Ancient Letters (at the beginning of the fourth century, ed. Reichelt 1928Reichelt -1931cf. Sims-Williams 1985). The Manichaean Sogdian literature developed in Central Asia and was influenced by the terminology of Buddhist texts in Sogdian. This milieu may also have caused a re-use of Parthian elements with a Buddhist background. In this paper the focus is on Indian elements that were adopted in Manichaean onomastics.
[5] Recent onomastic research in the context of the project Iranisches Personennamenbuch (Colditz 2018) has provided, for the first time, a complete collection of proper names in the Iranian Manichaean texts from the Turfan region. The results of this study enable us to analyse the various influences in Manichaean onomastics in greater detail. The transmitted names reflect the ethnic and religious diversity of the peoples along the Silk Roads, their intercultural and interreligious contacts, and also the syncretistic character of the Manichaean teachings. The name-bearers are Manichaean and non-Manichaean historical persons as well as literary and mythological figures. The Personennamenbuch fascicle of the Iranian Manichaean texts contains 766 lemmata of names of up to 887 persons. They may now be complemented by four names of Elect written cryptographically (Leurini 2017, 22-24;Colditz forthcoming). Thus the full number of known or supposed names is 770, belonging to about 891 individuals. All in all, only about 605 names can be determined linguistically, but for a relevant additional number of names the language of origin may at least be supposed. But these given figures of names and individuals can only be preliminary since the context is often missing in the fragmentary texts. Moreover, many names cannot be assigned to persons with certainty. In the following we shall give, first, an overview of the linguistic origins of the names in the Iranian Manichaean corpus (see figure 1): • names of Iranian origin: unspecified Western Middle Iranian (WMIran.), Middle Persian, [6] Parthian, Sogdian • hybrid names with elements of different Iranian languages • hybrid names with Iranian and non-Iranian elements • names of non-Iranian origin: Aramaic / Hebrew / Semitic, Old Uyghur, Chinese, Indian, Greek, Latin • hybrid names with elements of different non-Iranian languages The ratio of these different categories of names can be described as follows: [7] • a little more than half of the names are of Iranian origin [8] • the largest parts within this group have Middle Persian and Sogdian names • the largest groups within the non-Iranian names are those of Old Uyghur and Semitic origin Names and name elements of non-Iranian origin may have been borrowed directly from [9] another language but also via a third or even fourth language, i.e. they went through several stages of borrowings. In the Personennamenbuch fascicle we have given the figure of twelve names of Indian origin, and up to eleven more that may be supposed as Indian names. Of course, these figures cannot be taken for absolute since there is a certain margin of discretion in the decision on the linguistic origin for the reasons described above. There are also names Indian 12 Greek 9 Latin 3 Hybrid non-Iranian 6

Buddha and Bodhisattva names Buddha Śākyamuni
Although these terms are rather epithets and titles, they have been included in the Personen- [11] namenbuch since they are also used to designate historical persons and as name elements. The term Skt. Buddha "the awakened / enlightened one" found its way into Iranian languages very early, probably first into Bactrian in the Kushan period (approx. first to third century), from there into Parthian, and from Parthian into Middle Persian and Sogdian. Manichaeans might have played a significant role in the transmission of the name Buddha into late antique 10 In contrast to the Manichaean literature, the Sogdian Buddhist texts from Central Asia (mostly from Dunhuang) unsurprisingly contain a large number of Indian and especially Buddhist names and terms. These texts have been translated mostly from Chinese, some of them probably from Tocharian or Sanskrit. For an onomastic analysis of Indian names in Sogdian Buddhist texts cf. Provasi (2013). For lists of names cf. Lurje (2010, 523-24), Reck (2016, 415-24).
c) The apostles as Buddhas: Consequently, "Buddha" is used in the plural MP., Parth.
The use of several other records of the term "Buddha" in Parthian and Sogdian Manichaean [18] texts with fragmentary context remains unclear. Besides the plural forms of "Buddha" and the "after-Buddhas," there are also other derivations from the word with Iranian phonetic complements in Sogdian: adj. pwtʾny /butāne/ "Buddha-(in compounds), Buddha-like", abstr. pwt(t)yʾkh /but(t)yāk/ "Buddhahood".

Buddha Maitreya
Especially in hymns, Mani is identified with the coming saviour figure Buddha Maitreya, [19] who played an important role in Mahāyāna Buddhism in Central Asia (on Mani as Maitreya, see Hutter 2002Hutter , 2017van Tongerloo 2008; for the records, see Lurje 2010, no. 737, s. mytrʾk;Livšic 2010, nos. 391-93;Colditz 2018, nos. 362-64). This identification may go back to Mani himself as part of his missionary technique during his journey across northwestern India (Sundermann 1986, 13b), although Mahāyāna is not expected to have dominated in this area at that time. On the one hand, Mani thus met the eschatological expectations of Buddhists as a target group of the Manichaean mission. On the other hand, it seems that the Manichaean believers actually awaited Mani's physical return (Hutter 2002, 115-16). This becomes obvious in phrases such as Parth. mytrg bwṯ ʾgdʾ mrymʾny fryštg "Maitreya Buddha has come, Lord Mani, the apostle" (Henning 1937, 20-21, ll. 90-91). Hutter (Hutter 2017, 226-27) even assumes an integration of Buddha Maitreya as a separate eschatological god besides Jesus the Judge in Central Asian Manichaeism. Parth.M mytrg, mytrq, Parth.S mytrkw /Maitrag / Mētrag/ is a borrowing from northwestern Prakrit (Gāndhārī), where the Indian (Ind.) -y-was "hyper-correctly" replaced by -g-, also Toch. Metrak, Maitrak, Bactr. μητραγο /Mētrag/ (Asmussen 1965, 136;Sims-Williams 1983, 134; thus against the interpretation as Parth. adj.suff. -ag, see Colditz 2018, no. 362, sub D). Another word form (also used for Mani) is Parth.M mytr /Maitr / Mētr/, maybe an adaptation of the spelling to that of the theonym Mihr, see MP.I, Parth.I mtry, Phl. mtr'? It appears also as mytr cytr, mytr cyṯr /Maitr / Mētr Čaitr / Čētr / Čitr(?)/ (also for Mani) with an unclear second element, maybe a magical modification of the name (Henning 1937, 19n1) Colditz 2018, no. 301a). In Chinese Manichaeism, his name is used to designate the Column of Glory (Mikkelsen 2006, 100), which is called bāmistūn "Column of Splendour" and mard ispurrīg "Perfect Man" in Parthian (Sundermann 1979, 100, 122, n. 105, 109). In Mahāyāna Buddhism, the all-wise, cosmic Vairocana is one of the five Adibuddhas. In their Manichaean adaptation they have been taken as symbols of the Light Cross and Jesus patibilis, i.e. of the Light particles which are fettered in Matter (Lieu 1988, 209-10). But the identification of Parth. lwšyn with Lushena raises the question whether the Parthian text is independent of or influenced by a Chinese one. Maybe one should take into account that the extant text is a later copy of the original one, and the scribe may have replaced a Parthian term by one he was more familiar with from his Central Asian Buddhist environment. Alternatively, Durkin-Meisterernst proposes an explanation as a variant spelling of rwšn /rōšn/ "light."

Bodhisattva
With Mahāyāna Buddhism, the cult of Bodhisattva rose to prominence, as it is shown in Gand- [22] harian and Kushano-Bactrian art (Emmerick 1989, 493-394). The term was adopted very early in eastern Iran and in Manichaeism. In Parthian hymns bwd(y)sdf /bōdisadf /, which reflects Skt. Bodhisattva (Sims-Williams 1983, 133; see Colditz 2018, no. 168), is used as an epithet of Mani, often together with mytrg "Maitreya." The identification of the Manichaean apostle of Light with this transcendent Bodhisattva characterizes him as someone on the path towards Buddhahood who has generated bodhicitta "enlightment-mind" for the benefit of all sentient beings. In the Manichaean view, this refers to Mani as possessor (and preacher) of Gnosis and saviour of the Light Soul (Hutter 2002). From Parthian, the word may have been transmitted into Sogdian (but with records only in Buddhist texts in various different spellings, also with metathesis -tβ > -βt) and from there into Old Uyghur and New Persian, on the one hand, and into Middle Persian, Arabic, etc., on the other. There it underwent further phonetic developments which are not subject of this paper (see Sundermann 1982, 100-108; but for revision of his arguments, see Sundermann et al. 2001, I:180-181;Sims-Williams 2004, 544-45). But Yoshida (2008) sees no proof for the assumption of a borrowing from Parthian into Sogdian and for an argument on the influence of Parthian Buddhism on the Sogdian one with regard to the statistic distribution of the various spellings in Sogdian and Old Uyghur. He explains them by changes in the pronunciation (simplifications of the final consonant cluster), misspellings, or Sankritized forms (possibly via Tocharian). In Chinese, the Skt. term is, however, phonetically transcribed as 菩薩 Pusa (LMChin. pɦuĕ-sat, EMChin. bɔ-sat). Furthermore, the term "Bodhisattva" is recorded in the Manichaean context as a designation of the historical Buddha in a New Persian version of the story Bilawhar wa Būḏāsaf (ed. Henning 1962, 94-95, text A, l. 10), later known in its Christianized version as Barlaam and Josaphat, which originates in a legend on Buddha's life as described in the Jātakas (on the story and its transmission, see Woodward and Mattingly 1914;Lang 1957;de Blois 2009;Volk 2006Volk , 2009van Tongerloo 2009;Pettipiece 2009, 140-41). The spelling NP.M bwdysf /Būdisaf / Bōdisaf / is still close to the Parthian and some Buddhist Sogdian forms with a simplification -df > -f. During the further transmission of the story Būdisaf / Bōdisaf was corrupted into Georg. Yodasapʿ, Gr. * Ἰωδάσαφ > Ἰωάσαφ, Lat. Josaphat. The common explanation of the corruption as a wrong diacritical punctuation of the initial b-as y-in the Arabic manuscript tradition looks problematic with regard to the much earlier record Copt. Iōdasphēs (ⲓⲱⲇⲁⲥⲫⲏⲥ) as epithet of a historical (or literary?) person, a sage from the East, who appears in ch. 338 of the Dublin Kephalaia (ca. 400 C.E.) as dialogue partner of Mani besides Goundēš (ⲅⲟⲩⲛⲇⲏϣ, s. below) and a certain Masoukeos (ⲙⲁⲥⲟⲩⲕⲉⲟⲥ) (Gardner 2015, 81-88).

Proper Names of Indian Origin or with Indian Elements
A small number of historical persons mentioned in the Iranian Manichaean corpus bear names [26] of Indian origin or with Indian elements. It is difficult to decide whether these persons have an Indian or even Buddhist background, whether their names are borrowed, calqued after Buddhist pattern, or are even new formations on the basis of a Manichaean reinterpretation of Buddhist terms. The persons in question are Elect, donors 12 , Hearers, or just names in lists.
Most of them may belong to the Central Asian Manichaean community. Names with "Buddha" 13 (for the Manichaean interpretation see above): the donor WMIran.
Names with mahā < Skt. mahā-"great": a Hearer in the colophon of the Mahrnāmag MP.

Conclusion
The use of names and terms of Indian origin bears witness to encounters of Iranian-speaking [33] Manichaeans with Indian religious traditions and cultures, mainly with Buddhism and/or Jainism. Although one may assume a more or less continuous impact over time, there are two main areas and periods of terminological transfer: the northeastern Iranian border region in the time of early Manichaeism (third/fourth century) and Central Asia during Manichaeanism's heyday (eighth to eleventh century). Additionally, the intellectual exchange between sages from various regions, among them probably also from "the East," at the royal Sasanian court may have provided further Indian cultural impact. But as measured by the small number of Indian names in the Iranian Manichaean corpus, one could get the impression that the Manichaean tradition was not essentially affected by Buddhism (or Jainism). Since Mani's religion was based on divine revelation, it should have remained stable in the face of the influence of foreign creeds. But the adoption of Buddha as Mani's predecessor and of Buddha and Bodhisattva names are signs of a certain dogmatic flexibility. The early church was thereby able to make new missionary areas accessible and to stabilise its own position therein. Moreover, these borrowings have a dogmatic dimension beyond mere terminological adaptation. Based on the claim to preach a universal religion, Mani looked for a core of the true faith in foreign creeds. Manichaeism thus experienced a re-contextualization in the face of non-Manichaean traditions. With the integration of "Buddha," "Bodhisattva," "Maitreya," etc. into the Manichaean system, these terms were reinterpreted and, as it were, "Manichaeanised." Mani may have encountered followers of early schools (probably Sāmmītiya) of Nikāya Buddhism during his journey through Tūrān and Sind, so-called "Hīnayāna" (BeDuhn 2015, 65-66). But the Iranian Manichaean texts underwent several redactions while being transmitted from Iran to Central Asia, during which the original texts were obviously re-shaped by the encounter with Mahāyāna Buddhism in the Turfan region.
tradition or from Indian narratives like the Pañcatantra. Here, the interpretation of the stories also became a Manichaean one. As regards Indian elements in proper names-in spite of those of literary figures-they [35] seem to appear particularly among Manichaeans of the Central Asian community, with several records among the Hearers alone listed in the colophon of the Mahrnāmag (beginning of the ninth century). It is difficult to make conclusions on the general fashion of Manichaean naming. Nevertheless, onomastics cannot be separated from the religious beliefs of their respective times, especially in ancient societies. One may think of influences from Buddhism among Sogdians, Uyghurs, the Chinese, and Tocharians, with whom the Manichaeans were in contact. Although some of these names (or their Indian templates) have their own phraseological and metaphorical meaning in the Buddhist (or Jain, Hindu?) context, we may assume that this was not decisive for bestowing of church names or institutional names, respectively, among the Manichaean clergy. The Elect's names prefer Indian elements that were transmitted into Parthian very early on or recall "learned" Sanskrit forms. But these elements can easily be interpreted in a way that fits Manichaean teachings. We should also take into account that names of the Elect were formed freely from already existing name elements. In names of Hearers, Indian elements are mixed mostly with Old Uyghur ones, which speaks in favour of a certain Indian influence among the Uyghurs, whether by Buddhism and other religions or even by Indian traders, as an inspiration for name-giving in the Manichaean community. But Indian elements in Old Uyghur onomastics are rare as well, since Buddhist name elements were often taken from Chinese or were calqued in Old Uyghur (Hinüber 1995, 661; for rare examples of Indian elements, see Zieme 2006, 117, 122). 15 Iranian elements in Old Uyghur names are more common. The number of names formed after the Buddhist pattern in the onomastics of the Iranian Manichaean corpus could possibly be increased if we consider Sogdian names with certain elements that may have been translated from Indian ones. See, for example, Sogd. farn "glory, fortune; splendour"~Skt. śrī, yān "boon"~Skt. datta, vantak "servant, slave"~Skt. dāsa, f. δāy "maid-servant, slave-girl"~Skt. dāsī́(cf. Hinüber 1995, 661;Lurje 2010, nos. 647, 790, 967; for lists of Sogdian names with -farn and -yān, see Weber 1972). But these kinds of partial translations of Indian names are not always easily recognizable. To summarise: While the adoption of Buddhist and/or Jain elements seems to have affected some parts of Manichaean teachings, the interaction of the Manichaean tradition with these foreign creeds left its mark in the onomastics of the Iranian Manichaean texts to only a very limited extent.