From the Dreyfus Affair to Zionism in Palestine: Rashid Riḍā’s Views of Jews in Relation to the ‘Christian’ Colonial West
The ideas of the well-known reformist Sheikh Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā (1865–1935) in his journal Al-Manār (Lighthouse, 1898–1935) still inspire many academic researchers who are interested in the study of the Muslim world in the first decades of the twentieth century. As one of the most influential advocates of Arab nationalism and pan-Islamism, Riḍā’s critiques of Zionism and Jewish expansion in Palestine were part of his anti-colonial activities against the ‘Christian’ west. The article discusses how Riḍā was frustrated that European powers let down the Arabs by supporting the Jews in establishing their homeland at the cost of the rights of its indigenous habitants. We shall argue that Riḍā’s harsh views of Zionism should be understood as a mixture of religious rhetoric, nationalist ambitions, resistance to Turkish policies, and political frustration with Europe’s ‘unjust’ colonial policies and special political privileges given to the Jews in Palestine. In the early years of the twentieth century, Riḍā anticipated the progress of the Jews in establishing a nation of their own in Palestine, but his concerns grew after the British Mandate in 1922. The article looks at how Riḍā, in his confrontations with Zionism and Judaism, combined these debates with other ideas on freemasonry, the authority of the Church, the crusades, and the role of Jesuits in curbing the asserted increasing Jewish power in Europe. The article highlights how Riḍā’s Islamic national outlook against the Jews and Zionists in Palestine bears the character of religious and political ferment against the ‘Christian’ west.
Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā, Al-Manār, Europe, Zionism, Palestine, Judaism, Christianity, Jesuits, Freemasonry, pan-Islamism, pan-Arabism
In memoriam my Doktorvater Prof. Dr. P.S. van Koningsveld (1943–2021)
Introduction
The ideas of the well-known reformist Sheikh Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā (1865–1935) still inspire many academic researchers who are interested in the study of the Muslim world in the first decades of the twentieth century (Zemmin 2018; Stolz 2018; Halevi 2019). His journal Al-Manār (The Lighthouse, 1898–1935) is an important historical window to Riḍā’s time, since he published in that journal his own religious reflections on a wide range of topics, fatwas, Quranic exegesis, news on contemporary events, translations of western scientific, religious, and literary works, anti-colonial outlook, and endless polemics against Christianity and Christian missions (Ryad 2009).
In his study “Zionism as told by Rashīd Riḍā,” Uriya Shavit divided the attitudes of Al-Manār into five milestones, in which Riḍā perceived this political movement as 1) a humanitarian resettlement plan (1898), 2) a political movement that aimed to take over Palestine (1902), 3) the ultimate ambition of the Jews to convert the al-Aqsa Mosque into a Jewish temple after the Young Turk revolution (1910–14), 4) the realization of Zionist ambitions, following the Balfour Declaration and the imposition of the British Mandate (1914–28), and finally 5) a religious war between the Jews, the British, and Islam (1928–35) (Shavit 2015; see Haim 1955; Mandel 1965, 1976). Shavit argues that “a reading of Riḍā’s depictions of Jews as the embodiment of vices and the orchestrators of global-scale conspiracies is useful to the broader discussion on the proliferation of anti-Semitic ideas in the contemporary Arab world” (2015, 25). Further, it is argued that “the gap between philo-Semitism and anti-Semitism, both being essentialist views on Jews, is not wide, and much of what Riḍā admired about Jews, particularly their unity and talents for financial gain and political maneuvering, could be presented equally in positive and negative terms” (2015, 25). Shavit is actually the first systematic article about Riḍā’s perspectives on Zionism. In his Defining neighbors: religion, race, and the early Zionist-Arab Encounter, Jonathan Marc Gribetz also studied Riḍā’s views on Judaism and Zionism among other Arab intellectuals in the journals of al-Hilāl and al-Muqtaṭaf with a focus on “ideas concerning race, and particularly the Jews’ racial relationship with Arabs.” Gribetz admitted that “the focus on race, however, was certainly not to the exclusion of other means of categorization and interpretation of the Jews and Zionism; conceptions of the Jewish religion were crucial as well” (Gribetz 2014, 9, 149–69). In his recent article “Rashīd Riḍā, Jews, and Zionism,” Eliezer Tauber argued that Riḍā’s attitudes evolved toward the Jewish settlement in Palestine and the Zionist movement from “appreciation if not admiration” to “attempts at cooperation” and ended with “anti-Semitic remarks and unequivocal religious rulings (fatwās) against the Zionist enterprise” (Tauber 2021, 405).
However, one should not look at Riḍā’s views of Zionism only from the racial perspectives of the Jews, but rather from the wider context of Riḍā’s endless religious and political debates about European colonialism. It is important to remember Riḍā’s anti-colonial sentiments were running high throughout the thirty-five years of the publication of his journal. Therefore, Riḍā’s thoughts on Judaism and Zionism should also be read as a device for counterweight against what he saw as European ‘Christian’ powers. As one of the most influential advocates of Arab nationalism and pan-Islamism, we shall argue, Riḍā’s critiques of Zionism and Jewish expansion in Palestine were part of his anti-colonial activities against the ‘Christian’ west. First of all, Riḍā was frustrated that the European powers let down the Arabs by supporting the Jews in establishing their homeland at the cost of the rights of its indigenous inhabitants. Riḍā’s harsh views of Zionism should also be understood as a mixture of religious rhetoric, nationalist ambitions, resistance to Turkish policies, and political frustration with Europe’s ‘unjust’ colonial policies and special political privileges given to the Jews in Palestine. In the early years of the twentieth century, Riḍā anticipated the progress of the Jews in establishing a nation of their own in Palestine, but his concerns grew after the British Mandate in 1922. Whereas his prime focus lay in his confrontations with Zionism and Judaism, Riḍā combined these debates with other ideas on freemasonry, the authority of the Church, the crusades, and the role of Jesuits in curbing the asserted increasing Jewish power in Europe. In what follows, we shall highlight how Riḍā’s Islamic national outlook and scripture-based arguments against the Jews and Zionists in Palestine bear the character of religious and political ferment against the ‘Christian’ west.
On another level, the study of Riḍā’s condemnation of western support for Jewish and Zionist expansion in Palestine may emphasize Cemil Ayden’s argument that pan-Islamic anti-colonial attitudes were part anti-Westernism internationalism. The anti-Western critiques uttered by Riḍā and his pan-Islamic peers were not only a natural response to Western colonialism, but also to Western discourses that coupled progress and civilization with Christianity or the white race. “It is thus necessary,” Ayden writes, “to examine historically how various religious traditions and the experience of European colonialism interacted with peculiar Muslim or non-Muslim discontent with globalization, the international order, and modernization to produce shared anti-Western discourses in the twentieth century” (Aydin 2019, 1:13). We shall see that the formation of Riḍā’s attitudes against Jews and Zionists were part of his anti-Western stance against what he saw as ‘unfair and unconditional’ international support of Zionists against the Arab political and historical rights in the Holy Lands.
The Dreyfus Affair between ‘Christian’ Europe and Islam
In 1898, Riḍā expressed his sympathy for the injustice inflicted upon the Jews in France during the Dreyfus affair (1894–1906), which was one of the most notable examples of antisemitism in Europe of that time. For Riḍā, through this affair the French Republican principles of freedom collapsed, and intolerance prevailed instead. The cause of the persecution of Jews in France was not based on religious sentiments, since the French nation had weakened its own religion anyhow. It was rather based on the sentiments of “racial fanaticism” and “vicious envy” against the Jews, which were provoked by the anti-Jewish French press (Al-Manār 1/2: 54). Riḍā also maintained that if such “ugly” incidents were to happen among the Easterners, the European press campaign regarding what they saw as “oriental” intolerance would have intensified (Al-Manār 1/2: 54). He bemoaned that some Egyptian newspapers imitated this “ailment” of the French press by harshly taking on the Jews and defaming their skills in financial gain and methods of profit in a negative way. However, true civilization and justice should demand absolute equality among all humans, and that earning money by legitimate means is a social virtue. Riḍā appreciated the balanced response of some French fair-minded intellectuals against this anti-Jewish campaign who considered it a “temporary” disease which would be erased by mean of the progress of civilization and general ethics. A model to be followed by his oriental fellow-citizens, especially Muslims (Al-Manār 1/2: 54–55).
Riḍā was of the view that European secularization did not mean a full disconnection of Europeans with their religious feelings (Al-Manār 1/26: 483–493). The Dreyfus affair was, in his view, a significant marker for French “blind indiscretion and fanaticism” by which they falsely and baselessly convicted the Jews. In his view, despite the diminishing role of Christianity in Europe, European political ambitions were still tinged with reprehensible religious fanaticism. Nationality and patriotism were in constant conflict with religion among western nations (Al-Manār 1/26: 489–490). In their colonized territories, Europeans exploited religious missionary societies to establish discord among the nations and Christians and Muslims in the Ottoman regions, in particular (Ryad 2009). He mentioned, as another example, some French citizens who encouraged equality and freedom in their country but objected to travel with Muslims in Tunisia and Alegria as travel-fellows in the same train (Al-Manār 1/26: 489). For Riḍā, the call among Muslims to separate religion and the state by following the European model was unfounded, since Islam is both a spiritual and mundane religion promoting equality and justice from its beginning. The prejudice against Dreyfus represented a difference between Muslims at the beginning of their religion, who deal with religious minorities with equality, and the Europeans at the end of their civilization, who still persecute the Jews among them (Al-Manār 2/23: 359).
Under the title “Al-Islām wā al-Taraqqī [Islam and Progress]”, Riḍā moreover argued that Islam annulled the authority of spiritual leaders and restricted the absolute authority of kings and rulers by the rules of the Sharia, which Al-Manār defended as “law based on the principles of true freedom, justice and equality,” which Europe had actually borrowed from Islam and made to prevail in their lands (Al-Manār 1/46: 885). For him, Islam also erased any reprehensible fanaticism by replacing it with justice. He compared the situation of the Jews in Europe with a narrative in which Caliph ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb was said to judge in favour of a Jew in a dispute with ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib by concluding: “The French, the imams of European civilization, whose flag refers to justice, freedom and equality, still persecute the Jews today through associations that established newspapers and composed tracts to incite against the Jews” (Al-Manār 1/46: 886).
Zionism in Palestine between the ‘Shade’ of the Sultan, Young Turks, and the British ‘Christian’ Protection
In the late nineteenth century, and amidst the debate about the Dreyfus affair, Egyptian newspapers circulated news about increasing Zionist political and economic activities in Germany, Austria, England, and the USA with the aim of establishing settlements for persecuted Jews in Russia, Bulgaria, Romania, Persia, and Morocco. In the early years of Al-Manār, Riḍā was relatively positive about the Jewish settlement in Palestine. In his comment on this news, Riḍā said that the Jews wanted to migrate to the Supreme Porte because there was no excessive fanaticism against them in the Ottoman Empire as compared to the injustice and oppression under which they suffered in such countries as Russia and Bulgaria (Al-Manār 1/6: 107). Riḍā was herewith aware of the worsening of the situation of the Jews in the Russian Empire and the rise of nationalism among them in various regions. After the assassination of Tsar Alexander II in 1881, the notorious “May Laws” were hardened against the Jews, heightening the levels of economic, physical, and intellectual discrimination against the Jews (Klier 2011). In Riḍā’s opinion, the preference of the Jews for Palestine as a sacred place was definitely for religious reasons, but security and comfort were also a reason for this choice. In addition, he hoped that Arabs would become zealous in achieving happiness by means of knowledge, just as European newspapers and politicians who encouraged poor Jews to settle, reconstruct, disseminate knowledge, and expand their trade and industry in Palestine. The tying bond among the Jews, despite their dispersion all over the world, should be taken an example for Muslims and Arabs to unite themselves in their work (Al-Manār 1/6: 107).
A few months after the first Zionist Congress in Basel (1897), a reader in Frankfurt approached the Arab Christian journal al-Muqtaṭaf, which was founded in Cairo by the well-known Christian Arab thinkers Yaqʿūb Ṣarrūf (1852–1927) and Fāris Nimr (1856–1951), asking the editors about what the Arabic press had thought about Zionism and its recent congress (Al-Muqtaṭaf 4: 310–311). The answer of al-Muqtaṭaf reflected on the previous decennia of Zionist interests and the expansion of colonies in Palestine as well as Ottoman reluctance and regulations. They replied that the Arabic press had merely mentioned the congress with no special attention to its contents or consequences. For them, the Jews were rather keen on trade and commerce in Palestine, as they were not experienced peasants. The editors of al-Muqtaṭaf also expressed their anxiety that if the numbers of Jews increased in the region, they would dominate business there. At this moment, al-Muqtaṭaf did not believe in any quick success for the Zionists in Palestine. For them, the resistance of Ottoman Porte to interfere with the Great Powers and their protection of Jewish immigrants under the Capitulations was a major obstacle in the way of the Zionist Movement (Mandel 1976, 44–45). Riḍā reprinted their reply in al-Manār, but differed with the editors of al-Muqtaṭaf in expressing how he was vexed by the nationalist revival of the Jews but wished that it would inspire his fellow-citizens (ahl bilādina) (Al-Manār 1/6: 107). In his comments, Riḍā called the Arabs to think, examine and discuss how “the penniless of the weakest of peoples [the Jews], whom all governments are expelling, have so much knowledge and understanding of civilisation and its ways that they can take possession of your country, establish colonies in it, and reduce its masters to hired labourers and its rich to poor men” (Al-Manār 1/6: 108, translated in Mandel 1976, 45).
As early as 1902, Riḍā considered Zionism as the vital impulse by which the Jews gave to their nation a new “life” after its “death” (Al-Manār 4/21: 801–809). In a discussion with Riyāḍ Pasha (1835 or 1836–1911), a former Prime Minister of Egypt, Riḍā maintained that the Zionist Organisation had attempted to re-establish the kingdom to the People of Israel. Riyāḍ Pasha told Riḍā that he had recently read a book written by an anti-Jewish European author (with no further information) in which he despised the Jews magnifying the idea of their control of the financial bank system in France. An Egyptian friend of Riyāḍ Pasha suggested to translate the book, not “to aggravate the Israelites, but to give admonition to Muslims” (Al-Manār 4/21: 801). In response, Riḍā also bemoaned the situation of Muslims, urging them to take the Jews as an example. He ascribed the misery of Muslims to the despotism of their rulers and to the intervention of colonial powers in their affairs. He wished that Muslims would follow Jews as a model in their Jewish boasting to their descendancy in the line of Prophets depending on the “blessings” of the Torah and the assuming of the “magnified” title as the Chosen People of God (Al-Manār 4/21: 802). The Jews, despite their dispersion among the nations, followed God’s sunan (plans in creation) in preserving their language and religious unity and in being skilled in all useful sciences and crafts as well as in collecting money, which is the basis of power and dignity, in Riḍā’s views. The Israelites, he further said, follow this “natural” path in retrieving their “lost” dignity to the extent that “the one Jew is more dignified than a king in the East; and any European nation could threaten the greatest Eastern authority orally and practically forcing it to humiliate itself. However, it was disastrous for France when it tried to humiliate a Jewish man. Internal wars were about to erupt, but [France] finally rectified it: namely the Dreyfus affair has not been forgotten by those who knew it” (Al-Manār 4/21: 802).
This article was published shortly after the fifth Zionist Congress at Basel (1901), at which Herzl reported of his meeting with Sultan Abdul Hamid II of Turkey and of the progress of the Jewish Colonial Trust (Mandel 1974; Oke 1982; Nusairat 2019). Riḍā introduced to his readers a short historical account of the development of this organization and its activities in Austria, Germany, England and America, and how Zionists changed their energy from helping the persecuted Jews to safely settle in Palestine under the ‘shade’ of the Sultan to seeking a kingdom of their own there. Riḍā mentioned in particular the prominent British Zionist, writer, and activist Israel Zangwill (1864–1923), founder of the Jewish Territorial Organization, who earnestly aimed at securing land for Jewish refugees in Palestine from the British government (Faris 1975; Rochelson 2010). He quoted Zangwill’s address to the Fifth Zionist Congress, in which he said that the Jews will return to their ancient kingdom in Palestine and will change it into a “paradise” with a well-organized state on the mountain of Zion (Al-Manār 4/21: 804). Because they were persecuted by Christians and heathens throughout history, Jews strengthened their unity by living close to each other and by not mixing with other nations (Zangwill 1896). By quoting an address given during a meeting of the branch of the Zionist Organisation in Alexandria, Riḍā urged Muslims to take the Zionist Organisation that collected a lot of money to purchase colonies in Palestine as a model in forming philanthropic associations with the aim of establishing similar social projects or a university in Egypt, at least (Al-Manār 4/21: 804).
After the 1908 Young Turks Revolution, Riḍā claimed that Zionists became aware that their good relations with the Turks would enable them to fulfill their plans in Palestine. Their alliance with the Turks was not appreciated by Arab nationalists in the Decentralization Party, of which Riḍā was a significant founding member. After his one-year visit to Istanbul (1910), Riḍā claimed to have observed an increase of Jewish influence on Ottoman politics. He referred in particular to the then influential minister of finance (between 1909–1912 and again between 1917–1918) and Freemason Mehmet Cavid (1875–1926), former Feyziye principal, and instructor and director of a Dönme commerce school. Riḍā claimed that Cavid, belonging to the Dönme group of Jewish origin, was keen on appointing many other Jews in his ministry, which indicated their increasing impact on the empire, ending with fulfilling their “well-known aims” in Jerusalem and Palestine (Al-Manār 14/2: 159). Riḍā followed the same anti-Dönme rhetoric in Istanbul in 1909–1911, in which Mehmet Cavid was accused by his Muslim opponents in the Ottoman Parliament of being “a Salonikan Dönme in league with Jewish banks” (Baer 2010, 103). It is ironic that British officials, especially ambassadors, in their official correspondence between 1909 and 1916, explicitly referred to a total Jewish influence in the empire by describing the Turkish Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) “as a cabal of Jews and Freemasons, calling it the ‘Jew Committee of Union and Progress,’ and to Mehmet Cavid as a ‘crypto-Jew’ and ‘apex of Freemasonry’ in the empire” (Baer 2010, 102).
At that time, many of Riḍā’s Muslim and non-Muslim “sincere friends” (aṣdiqāʾunā al-mukhliṣūn), including a few Jews in Egypt, criticized him in the press for his accusation of the Zionist control of the CUP (Al-Manār 14/9: 714). However, he was convinced that his journal was among the first to warn against the Zionist expansion in Palestine. In order to sustain his argument, Riḍā referred to the statements made by Ibrahim Hakki Pasha (1862–1918), an Ottoman statesman and Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire between 1910–1911, when he declared in Parliament that the Jews were building their future in the empire (Al-Manār 14/9: 714). In that period, Hakki had fierce debates with his political rivals on that point. For example, he “claimed that the four French banks with which Cavid Bey had opened negotiations for a loan in 1910 were all Zionist organs, and that the Deutsche Bank, which had agreed to make the loan later in 1910, had done so at Zionist instigation through Jacques Menasche of Constantinople” (Mandel 1965, 98).
In the same period, a proposal was made by a certain Dr. Najīb al-Aṣfar to buy Ottoman state lands, which was thought to be supported by the Zionists. Known as “Mashrūʿ al-Aṣfar (al-Aṣfar’s project),” it triggered a huge debate in the Arab press. In the beginning, Riḍā was not much concerned about the project; but because the debate heavily intensified, he decided to participate in the discussion by demonstrating the positive and negative aspects of the project. First of all, no project of construction of lands would be accomplished except by collaborating with the Zionists, as such projects depended much on European money and the Jews controlled its financial bank sectors. This is why the CUP was keen on collaborating with them. As an anecdote, Riḍā said that once a man wanted to buy a watch, but when he discovered that the seller was a Jew, he said “I am not keen on helping a Jew make money;” the seller ironically answered: “You will never buy anything in that case” (Al-Manār 14/9: 715). Secondly, Syrians and Ottomans had to collaborate with Europeans, since they had no capacity to erect such huge agricultural, industrial, or commercials projects on their own; not only because of their lack of money, but also because of their ignorance of sciences, crafts of engineering, or mechanical works. For Riḍā, the danger of Zionists is centered on one thing, namely their possession of the Holy Land and that the people and the state would “drown” themselves in debts imposed by foreign Jews who would definitely try to retrieve their money by controlling the land in return (Al-Manār 14/9: 716).
In 1914 and before the outbreak of World War I, Riḍā published various articles in order to inform his readers about Zionism and its plans in the Holy Land (Al-Manār 17/4: 319–320; Al-Manār 17/5: 385–390). One of these articles was an Arabic translation of an article by the Russian-born Zionist leader and head of the Jewish National Fund Menachem Ussishkin (1863–1941), which appeared in the Palestinian press in that time (Al-Manār 17/9: 697–708, Beška 2014). In Riḍā’s view, the Zionists knew very well that the European powers would not allow other nations to take control of the Holy Land, which was still under Ottoman control, because it is the cradle of the divine revelation and origin of the religions of Moses and Jesus. Therefore, the Zionists eagerly desired to satisfy these European powers by convincing them that the Jews should have power in this “kingdom” as the solution of this conflict among “Christian nations” (Al-Manār, 17/4: 320). The same held true for their alleged desire to convince the CUP to support them in order to block the road to the Arabs in Palestine. Riḍā advised Arab leaders to either settle an agreement with the Zionist leaders for the sake of the common interests of both groups, or to collect their forces to counter against the Zionists in all forms of struggle, beginning with forming associations and companies and ending with creating military guerillas to combat them by force if necessary. Riḍā concluded by saying that the last option was the most severe, but in accordance with the Arabic expression al-kay ākhir al-ʿilāj (lit. cauterization is the last cure; meaning ‘desperate diseases must have desperate remedies’) (Al-Manār 17/4: 320).
In the last months of World War I, Rida changed his mind regarding the Arab-Zionist collaboration. In his unpublished diaries of April/May 1918, Riḍā expressed his disappointment in the activities of Syrian nationalists propagating an Arab-Jewish collaboration. For example, Rafīq al-ʿAẓm (1867–1927), Mukhtār al-Ṣulḥ, and Sulaymān Naṣīf travelled to Jerusalem in the company of British delegates in order to convince Muslims to agree with the Jews on specific terms: namely that Jews were not allowed to purchase lands during the wartime, the government should remain Arab, and that Jewish banks should lend other non-Jews money with the same interest they offered their Jewish fellows (Riḍā’s diaries April-May, 1918). It is worth noting that Rafīq al-ʿAẓm and Mukhtār al-Ṣulḥ were members of the “Declaration to the Seven,” by which the British had pronounced to the Arabs the principle of national self-determination for the first time (Friedman 2000). In the last years of World War I, Syrian delegates regularly met with British and French high officials to negotiate the political future of their region, including Palestine (Friedman 1973, 206–7). Riḍā was certain that there was no guarantee that these terms would be taken into consideration after the Jews took control of everything, even by the British themselves. He sarcastically described Rafīq al-ʿAẓm as a “lazy” person who had now travelled to Jerusalem, while he was initially not keen on politics out of fear of the Ottomans or the Egyptians (Riḍā’s diaries April-May, 1918). He wrote: “It is odd that Rafīq Bik al-ʿAẓm, who thinks that he is the most knowledgeable person of politics on earth, and that he is the most difficult one to be deceived, is now accepting to be a ‘tool’ by which the English want to demonstrate that the Arab leaders, Christians and Muslims, accept Palestine as a political homeland for the Jews” (Riḍā’s diaries April-May, 1918).1
After the German defeat in World War I, Riḍā argued that the end of the war was a result of a political game between “learned and wise” and “ignorant and fool” nations (Ryad 2016, 322). The British were able to convince the Americans to come and rescue them and the Allies from the possible military “hell” that was supposed to be caused by Germany by using two “amulets” in order to get the American “serpent” out of its hole, namely their promise and lip service to free the colonized nations, and the cunning of the Jews and their financial authority in that country in return for a promise to return their Kingdom of Israel and the Holy Land as a reward against the rights of the Arabs, Christians, or Muslims (Ryad 2016, 322).
Conclusion
We have attempted to read Riḍā’s ideas about Zionism and Judaism from his perspectives on Europe and its political and colonial incursions in the Muslim world. We have seen that Riḍā was less aware of Zionist aims in the early years of his journal, probably partly due to other urgent political and religious questions in his mind. He completely changed after the Turkish revolution and during and after World War I, especially when he discovered that the ‘Christian’ West fueled the conflict by means of the Balfour Declaration issued by the British Government in 1917. Although Riḍā knew well that Europe was on it secularisation path in the modern age, he did not appreciate the colonial paradox which supported the establishment of a religious Jewish state while criticizing Muslim religious and Arab nationalism.
His views of the Jews were not entirely based on European anti-Semitic racial ideologies. He was generally positive about the Jews as a community because of their unity and their skillfulness in sciences and crafts. However, he was influenced by European Christian conspiracy theorists who believed in the close connection between the Jews and freemasons. Riḍā stressed what he saw as the ‘cunning’ and ‘secretive’ role of the Jews in freemasonry, which also ‘quivered’ religious governments in Europe, the Ottoman Empire and Russia. This trend emerged in the late eighteenth century for the first time with the German officer Ernst August Anton Göchhausen. In the 1890s Reverend Johann Gabriel Léon Louis Meurin, Titular Archbishop of Nisibis and Bishop of Port-Louis (Mauritius), also claimed that “everything in freemasonry is fundamentally Jewish, exclusively Jewish, enthusiastically Jewish, from the beginning to the end” (van Pelt 2014, 188).
The same holds true for the financial world bank system, which the Jews also secretively dominated, according to Riḍā. For him, the Jesuits were the first Christian order that knew the core of this Jewish ‘trickery’ because of their firm Catholic faith in the political and religious authority of the Church in Rome. Riḍā defended the idea that the Jesuits knew well that the Jews were behind the decline of the authority of the church through their activities in freemason lodges, to which millions of Christians were connected as members. Therefore, the Jesuits tried their best to divulge the secrets of freemasonry, prohibiting Catholic believers to join them. In a similar vein, the Jews were behind the decline of the Orthodox Church in Russia by their support of Russian ‘atheists’ and Bolshevism, as well as their support for Turkish ‘atheists’ who were behind the collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate. Like many of his Arab nationalist peers, Riḍā resented what he saw as Zionist reliance on the Turks. Riḍā’s harsh critique of Zionism came clearly to the surface after the Young Turks. His criticism of Zionism actually had anti-Turkish undertones of frustration as a pan-Arabist. Throughout his debates, Riḍā frowned particularly on Britain as a ‘Christian’ power in their support of the Jews to establish a religious-civil kingdom in Palestine against the desire of Arabs. However, for him, it was the Jews who exploited the Christian nations for their own interests against Muslims.
Acknowledgment
My gratitude is due to Alexander von Humboldt Foundation for granting me the Fellowship for Experienced Researchers (2021–2023) at the Centrum für Nah- und Mittelost-Studien, Philipps-Universität Marburg. Special thanks are also due to my colleagues Prof. Dr. Albrecht Fuess, Ms. Stefanie Braun, Dr. Ahmad Sho’ir, Mr. Anthony Quickel, Dr. Hala Ghoname, Dr. Asem Hefny, Dr. Christian June, Dr. Eylaf Bader Eddin, Dr. Pierre Hecker and all members of the Centrum für Nah- und Mittelost-Studien for their hospitality.
Al-Manār articles
February 1898. “Al-Yahūd fī Faransā wa Miṣr [The Jews in France and Egypt]”, Al-Manār 1 (2): 53–54.
September 1898. “Al-Taʿṣṣub [Fanaticism]”, Al-Manār 1 (26): 483–493
August 1899. “Al-Dīn wa al-dawla aw al-khilāfa wa al-ṣalṭana [Religion and State or the Caliphate and Sultanate], Al-Manār 2 (23): 353–360.
February 1899. “Al-Islām wa al-Taraqqī [Islam and Progress]”, Al-Manār 1 (46): 885–886.
April 1898. “Khabar wa iʿtibār [News and Consideration]”, Al-Manār 1 (6): 105–108.
January 1902. “Ḥayāt ummah baʿd mawtihā [Revival of a nation after its death]”, Al-Manār 4 (21): 801–809
May 1903. “Al-Yahūd wa al-māsūniyya wa ḥadath al-waṭaniyya [The Jews, freemasonry and the immature of nationalism],” Al-Manār 6 (5): 196–200.
March 1911. “Al-Yahūd fī al-mamlaka al-uthmāniyya [The Jews in the Ottoman Kingdom]”, Al-Manār 14/2: 159.
March 1911. “Fatāwā al-Manār,” Al-Manār 14 (3): 179-181. September 1911. “Arbāb al-aqlām fī bilād al-Shām wa mashrūʿ al-Aṣfar [Well-known writers of Greater Syria and al-Aṣfar’s project]” Al-Manār 14 (9): 713–717.
September 1911. Al-Manār 14 (9): 713.
March 1914. “Al-Masʾaltān al-sharqiyytān wa al-ṣuhyūniyya [The two eastern questions and Zionism]”, Al-Manār 17 (4): 319–320
April 1914. “al-Ṣuhyūniyya [Zionism],” Al-Manār 17 (5): 385–390.
August 1914. “Al-Burugrām al-ṣuhyūnī al-siyāsī [The Political Zionist programme]”, Al-Manār 17 (9): 697–708.
January 1929. “Mulk al-yahūd wa haykaluhum wa masiḥuhm wa al-masīḥ al-haqq [King of the Jews, their Temple, their Messiah and the True Messiah]” Al-Manār 30 (7): 546–555.
November 1929. “Thawrat Filasṭīn – Asbābuha wa natāʾjuha [The Palestinian Revolt: Causes and Consequences]” Al-Manār 30 (5): 385–393.
September 1933. “Fatāwā al-Manār”, Al-Manār 33 (5): 347–352.
March 1935. “Muḥāḍarti fī Jamʿiyyat al-Shubbān al-Muslimīn [My lecture at the Association of Young Muslim Men]”, Al-Manār 34 (8): 607–612.
References
ʿAbduh, Muḥammad, and Rashīd Riḍā. (1328) 1910. Tafsīr Al-Manār. Cairo: Al-Manār Press.
Aydin, Cemil. 2019. The Politics of Anti-Westernism in Asia: Visions of World Order in Pan-Islamic and Pan-Asian Thought. Vol. 1. 2. New York: Columbia University Press.
Baer, Marc. 2010. The Dönme: Jewish Converts, Muslim Revolutionaries, and Secular Turks. Stanford University Press.
Beška, Emanuel. 2014. “Arabic Translations of Writings on Zionism Published in Palestine Before the First World War.” Asian and African Studies 23 (1): 154–72.
Budnitskii, Oleg. 2012. Russian Jews Between the Reds and the Whites, 1917-1920. University of Pennsylvania Press.
Friedman, Isaiah. 1973. The Question of Palestine, 1914-1918 British-Jewish-Arab Relations. New York: Schocken Books.
———. 2000. Palestine: A Twice-Promised Land? Vol. 1: The British, the Arabs, and Zionism, 1915-1920. Vol. 1. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers.
Gribetz, Jonathan Marc. 2014. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter. New Jersey / Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Haim, Sylvia G. 1955. “Arabic Antisemitic Literature: Some Preliminary Notes.” Jewish Social Studies 17 (4): 307–12.
Halevi, Leor. 2019. Modern Things on Trial: Islam’s Global and Material Reformation in the Age of Riḍā, 1865–1935. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Klier, John Doyle. 2011. Russians, Jews and the Pogroms of 1881–1882. Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press.
Koningsveld, Pieter Sjoerd van. 2008. “The Training of Imams by the Third Reich.” In The Study of Religion and the Training of Muslim Clergy in Europe Academic and Religious Freedom in the 21st Century, edited by Willem B. Drees and Pieter Sjoerd van Koningsveld, 333–68. Leiden University Press.
Kudsi-Zadeh, A.Albert. 1972. “Afghānī and Freemasonry in Egypt.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 92 (1): 25–35.
Mandel, Neville. 1965. “Attempts at an Arab-Zionist Entente: 1913-1914.” Middle Eastern Studies 1 (3): 238–67.
———. 1976. The Arabs and Zionism Before World War I. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Motadel, David. 2014. Islam and Nazi Germany’s War. Harvard University Press.
Öke, Mim Kemal. 1982. “The Ottoman Empire, Zionism, and the Question of Palestine (1880-1908).” International Journal of Middle East Studies 13 (4): 329–41.
Pelt, Rober Jan van. 2014. “Freemasonry and Judaism.” In Handbook of Freemasonry, edited by Henrik Bogdan and J. A. M. Snoek, 8:en. Leiden: Brill.
Rogerson, Alan, ed. (1920) 1969. Millions Now Living Will Never Die. London: Constable.
Ryad, Umar. 2009. Islamic Reformism and Christianity: A Critical Reading of the Works of Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā and His Associates (1898-1935). Leiden: Brill.
———. 2016. “A German ‘Illusive Love’: Rashid Rida’s Perceptions of the First World War in the Muslim World.” In Jihad and Islam in World War I, edited by Erik-Jan Zürcher. Leiden: Leiden University Press.
Shavit, Uriya. 2015. “Zionism as told by Rashid Riḍā.” Journal of Israeli History 34 (1): 23–44.
Stern, Gregg. 2003. “Philosophy in Southern France. Controversy over Philosophic Study and the Influence of Averroes on Jewish Thought.” In The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Jewish Philosophy, edited by Daniel H. Frank and Oliver Leaman, 281–303. Cambridge University Press.
Stolz, Daniel A. 2018. The Lighthouse and the Observatory: Islam, Science, and Empire in Late Ottoman Egypt. Cambridge: Cambridge Univeristy Press.
Tauber, Eliezer. 2021. “Rashīd Riḍā, Jews, and Zionism.” The Journal of the Middle East and Africa 12 (4): 405–24.
Zemmin, Florian´. 2018. Modernity in Islamic Tradition: The Concept of “Society” in the Journal Al-Manār (Cairo, 1898–1940). Berlin: De Gruyter.